2000

Index of Past Journal Articles 1989-1999

2000 LBJ Journal of Public Affairs Editorial Board

LBJ School of Public Affairs Professional Reports and Dissertations Completed in 1999

A cursory analysis of American public life suggests that our national social contract frequently fails to secure justice for all members of society. This failure is exacerbated by the fact that citizens are often unable to agree on what constitutes a just society. Nevertheless, the question of the justness of American society is still of paramount importance. Justice is one of the preeminent ideals of American democracy. One may even venture to say that policies inconsistent with the principle of justice are policies inconsistent with democracy. Yet, how does one define justice in democratic society? Political philosophy is the vehicle through which society considers seriously this disputed question. Political philosophy allows society to focus on competing arguments and considerations about justice and tries to find some underlying basis of philosophical and moral agreement.²

Since its inception in 1989, the Economically Distressed Areas Program (EDAP) has designated over $459 million to provide water and wastewater service to colonias. Administered by the Texas Water Development Board (TWDB), EDAP has provided mainline infrastructure to hundreds of colonias located in the Texas border region. Historically, project funds have been used to install water and wastewater mainlines underneath the main streets in the colonias. However, funding for individual connections to a mainline has been limited. In general, individual connections to water systems have not been a problem; most residents recognize the benefits of piped water and are willing to incur costs associated with the provision of water services, which are often lower than those for wastewater. Unfortunately, wastewater system connection rates have been low. In many areas, EDAP wastewater projects have been completed but residents remain un-served due to a lack of individual connections.

Since the end of the Cold War, the defense industry in the United States has under gone drastic changes as a result of considerable cutbacks in the defense budget.¹ As market demand shrinks, the principle of economic efficiency is replacing the long-standing rationale of national security for the defense industrial base. As a consequence, the government and defense-related firms have sought transition paths to respond to this post–Cold War challenge. Some defense firms have turned their attention to foreign markets to increase the volume of sales. Other companies in the defense industry have incorporated commercial technologies into defense systems through government-supported dual-use programs. However, the most significant transition strategy sought out by defense industry corporations as a result of the end of the Cold War is that of merger and acquisition.

Most of the academic literature regarding the policy process focuses on either the presidency or the Congress and gives little treatment to the third branch of the federal government, the judiciary. Even those who write extensively on the importance of the judiciary have called it “the least dangerous branch.”¹ As time passes, however, more political scientists and policy analysts are realizing that the role of the judiciary in creating policy is much greater than had been previously assumed. Observers now realize that federal courts in the United States are very active as policymakers. Over the past few decades their decisions have transformed government policy issues such as abortion, civil rights, and compensation for personal injuries.² Presidential candidates, too, are taking note of the importance of the Supreme Court as a policymaker and are including possible nominations to the Court as an important way to differentiate themselves from other candidates.

The World Bank’s World Development Report 1999/2000 explicitly reports the current trends of globalization and localization. This trend in localization, i.e., “the desire for self-determination and the devolution of power,” makes the study of attempts to increase popular participation in government particularly important.¹ The World Development Report 1999/2000 notes that the demand for self-determination, which leads to greater accountability in government, is happening worldwide through several forms including the following: (1) “the replacement of authoritarian or single-party rule by multi-party politics,” (2) “greater autonomy of subnational political units,” and (3) “the involvement of community groups and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in governance.”² Brazil, as a country that is experiencing all three of these forms, is a key case study for localization.

Faced with the threat of electricity shortages in Southeast Michigan in the summer of 1998, the Detroit Edison Company made an emergency appeal to the State of Michigan for permission to restart its mothballed Conners Creek plant. The decision to allow the operation of this aging, coal-fired plant in Detroit sparked intense criticism by environmentalists, Canadian diplomats, and other stakeholders. The utility company claimed that the plant was an existing source that was grandfathered (or exempt) from the stricter emission standards required of new or modified sources under the Clean Air Act; thus, it did not require additional permits or pollution controls.

The Internet represents a new and intriguing laboratory for freedom of expression. Any person with access to a computer and a modem can take advantage of the vast communicative, educational, and entertainment resources found on the Web and through other online providers. The Internet allows businesses, family, and friends to send electronic mail to one another, consumers to purchase goods and services without leaving the comfort of their homes, and schoolchildren to tap into endless archives of facts, figures, and lessons.